Egypt Daily News – Egypt is rapidly intensifying its military cooperation with China, signaling a potential reorientation of its strategic defense partnerships amid shifting geopolitical dynamics in the Middle East. Recent developments suggest that Cairo is actively exploring the acquisition of Chinese advanced military platforms, with the fifth-generation J-35 stealth fighter jet emerging as a centerpiece of interest for the Egyptian Air Force. This follows Egypt’s purchase of the Chinese long-range HQ-9B air defense system and a landmark joint military exercise with China held in mid-2025.
According to a report from Defense Arabik, Air Marshal Mahmoud Fouad Abdel-Gawad, commander of the Egyptian Air Force, expressed serious interest in acquiring the J-35 stealth fighter during the “Eagles of Civilization 2025” air drills held at Wadi Abu Rish Air Base.
— Clash Report (@clashreport) May 11, 2025
Chinese delegation in Cairo promoting 5th generation J-35 fighter jet to the Egyptian Air Force.
J-10C also visible at the back. pic.twitter.com/4DuiU50NCV
The Egyptian general reportedly conveyed a desire to travel to China to inspect the aircraft firsthand. While this report has not been confirmed by Egyptian or Chinese officials, it reflects growing alignment between Cairo and Beijing at a time when traditional military relationships are under increasing strain.
The “Eagles of Civilization 2025” exercise was the first joint air maneuver between Egypt and the People’s Liberation Army Air Force (PLAAF). It featured a range of advanced aircraft, including China’s J-10C fighters, KJ-500 airborne early warning and control planes, Y-20 strategic airlifters, and YU-20 aerial refuelers. Egypt contributed MiG-29M/M2 jets, underscoring a growing interoperability between the two air forces.
The J-35, also referred to as the FC-31 in its export configuration, is being developed by China’s Shenyang Aircraft Corporation. A twin-engine stealth platform, the J-35 features low-observable design characteristics, an advanced AESA radar, and an integrated electro-optical targeting system. The fighter is designed for both air superiority and precision strike roles, with the ability to carry up to six missiles internally and additional munitions on external hardpoints, including cruise missiles and anti-radiation weapons.
With a combat radius estimated at 1,200 kilometers and a maximum speed of Mach 1.8, the J-35 is seen as China’s competitor to the U.S. F-35 Lightning II and Russia’s Su-57. Unlike the J-20, which is reserved for domestic use, the J-35 is marketed for export, targeting countries seeking stealth capability without the political entanglements of Western suppliers.
Egypt’s reported interest in the J-35 fits within a broader trend of defense diversification. The Egyptian Air Force currently operates one of the most diverse fleets in the Middle East, including over 200 U.S.-supplied F-16s, 24 French Rafale jets, and 46 Russian MiG-29M/M2 fighters. However, Cairo has long faced U.S. restrictions on upgrading its F-16s, particularly regarding AESA radar systems and long-range munitions. These limitations have prompted Egypt to look elsewhere to modernize its capabilities.
In a televised interview, Brigadier General Mahmoud Mohieddin, a strategic analyst and former officer, explained that Cairo’s closer military ties with China are part of a broader realignment that began with the renewal of the Egypt-China strategic partnership in 2024. The alignment reflects Egypt’s frustration with U.S. restrictions and its desire to develop an autonomous defense policy in response to regional threats and shifting global alliances.
Mohieddin emphasized that Egypt’s strategic calculus has been influenced by recent conflicts, including the Russia-Ukraine war, which demonstrated the impact of drones and advanced air systems in modern warfare. He noted that Cairo is seeking deterrence capabilities that go beyond what Western suppliers are willing to provide under existing political constraints.
During the 2025 air drills, an Egyptian pilot reportedly flew a Chinese J-10C, a 4.5-generation multirole fighter featuring an AESA radar and PL-15 long-range missile compatibility. The hands-on exposure to Chinese systems, according to analysts, served both as an evaluation opportunity and a soft sales pitch for future deals. Chinese state media framed the exercises as a milestone in building “mutual trust and pragmatic cooperation.”
The interest in the J-35 is particularly significant given its potential to rival Israel’s F-35I Adir fleet. Israel currently operates over 50 of the U.S.-built jets and maintains air superiority in the region. Should Egypt acquire stealth fighters, it could narrow this technological gap, though such a move would involve significant logistical and political challenges. Operating a Chinese stealth fighter would require new infrastructure, training, and a shift in operational doctrine, all while maintaining Egypt’s legacy systems from the U.S., Russia, and France.
Additionally, Egypt’s economic constraints complicate the feasibility of large-scale acquisitions. With a GDP of approximately $395 billion and a defense budget stretched by domestic priorities, Cairo would need to carefully weigh the cost of adopting an entirely new class of combat aircraft. While the J-35 is expected to cost around $70–80 million per unit cheaper than the $109 million U.S. F-35 long-term costs related to maintenance, parts, and pilot training would still be substantial.
There is also a diplomatic risk. Egypt relies heavily on $1.3 billion in annual U.S. military aid, which could be jeopardized by a significant tilt toward Chinese systems. A previous deal with Russia for Su-35 jets collapsed in 2021 due to U.S. sanctions threats. Washington has signaled concern about joint exercises involving U.S.-equipped forces and China, and a move toward stealth fighters from Beijing could invite similar backlash.
Nonetheless, the growing presence of China in the Middle East through arms exports, infrastructure investments, and diplomatic engagements is altering the region’s strategic landscape. The J-35, if exported to Egypt, would be a symbolic and practical indicator of China’s expanding influence.
China’s own defense strategy supports such partnerships. Its Belt and Road Initiative has made inroads across North Africa, and it has already delivered drones, missile systems, and naval equipment to regional players like Saudi Arabia, the UAE, and Sudan. A J-35 sale to Egypt would represent China’s most high-profile aerospace export to date and would establish it as a viable alternative to the U.S. and Russia in high-end defense markets.
However, Egypt is not placing all its bets on Beijing. Reports from EurAsian Times indicate that Cairo is also in advanced negotiations with South Korea for the acquisition of FA-50 light attack jets, including potential local assembly. These platforms offer a lower-cost, Western-compatible option, indicating that Egypt is pursuing a multi-vendor strategy to maintain flexibility.
This balancing act was also reflected in recent Egyptian diplomatic messaging, that the joint air drills are a declaration of independence in foreign policy, a signal to Washington that Cairo will not accept being treated as a second-tier ally. Yet, analysts caution that Cairo may be using its overtures to China as leverage in ongoing discussions with the U.S. over access to more advanced systems such as the F-15 or even the F-35.
As regional tensions escalate from the conflict in Gaza to instability in Libya and the Red Sea, Cairo’s desire for strategic autonomy is understandable. The J-35, while still unproven in combat, offers a technological leap that could meet Egypt’s long-term needs. Whether the interest materializes into a formal deal remains to be seen, but the implications are clear: Egypt is signaling its intent to diversify its military partnerships, assert its independence, and adapt to an evolving regional threat environment.
In the end, Cairo’s interest in the J-35 may represent more than just a procurement choice, it could be a strategic gambit aimed at reshaping its role in the region and redefining the terms of its traditional alliances.
